Sharp Pain When Mensturating

Meet Wassila Tamzali

Wassyla Tamzali, author of the novel " An Algerian Education" published by Gallimard in September 2007, is the guest of Mrs. Carrier Professor of History, and pupils of 1S2 and 1S4. The author, after a famous family of Algerian notables who held an important place in the Liberation War, was born into a large farmhouse colonial candle. His youth has not left only memories of happiness, but a tragedy changes everything: in 1957, his father was assassinated by a young recruit of the FLN. Despite this loss, which will cause the departure of the family in Algiers and the nationalization of homesteads by the socialism of the 70s, the young woman filled with enthusiasm for the construction of "Algeria for a year, she married all utopias, before sinking to disillusioned over the pages.
Wassyla Tamzali, was a lawyer in Algiers for ten years. Beginning in 1980, and for twenty years she has directed the program on women's status by Unesco, France. Brown returned to Algiers, she continues to lead many battles for equality women, secularism, democracy or the Mediterranean Dialogue.

Qu: Can we call you a "feminist"?

Ms. Tamzali answered that "certainly but specifies that the adjective has made perfect sense for it only after the revolutions of 1968 in France that have affected the academic Algeria which she belonged.
Thus it explains the need, on the eve of Independence, to establish a global revolution, that is to say a revolution which affect all layers of society, not a "sectarian strife" that would divide the Algerian nation when all of this was essential. This global revolution, which aimed to achieve a greater equality between men and women, is the first disappointment of the author and revolutionary women, who, after participating physically and energetically to the revolution Algerian people, saw their memory scorned in the new State Constitution. Ms. Tamzali likewise emphasizes the "need Liberties without which "the joy of living in a nation no longer exists." Thus it raises the issue of women, but also the paradox of "superiority" of "men who are victims even if they have."
The author notes also the Algerian crisis due to the patriarchal system in which citizens are victims but also the universality of this problem worldwide. In France or Europe discrimination against women exists but "good laws protecting women," unlike the Arab-Muslim countries. She further notes, it means as the "pyramid structure of social hierarchies, where there are fewer and fewer women, the higher up the hierarchy. This pyramid system is reflected not only in economics but also in the arts in general. We return once more to the book, explaining the lack of rights for women, said a general lack of rights of citizens.
The author revisits the past and described his generation: the "independence generation" a generation driven by a dream that projected into the future a fraternal, egalitarian and free. It focuses particularly on the "difference between liberation and freedom" that can not find meaning by turning over the leaves of a dictionary, but rather due to disillusionment. "The liberation of the Algerian people in 1962 did not result in his freedom," says Ms. Tamzali.
Qu: Do you could explain the place that takes your family in your book?

"I have decided to say" I "" Mrs. Wassila answer. Indeed, she insists on the difficulty to say "I" in an Algerian family in which "honor requires the collective before the individual". A problem which, as discrimination against women is universal. Indeed, according to her family "is the first constraint. A moral constraint but also physical coercion, where sexual fulfillment is the first barrier, especially in nations still rooted in ancient cultural traditions. "If there is no" I "there is no freedom," says the author, who emphasizes the difficulty but the need to follow his own path.
Qu: You are from a rich family of notables, but you were not naturalized and you fight in the Algerian independence movement, why this choice?

Tamzali ensures that the Idea of Independence of Algeria was at the time, a modern idea. Indeed, until France occupied Algeria, the Algerian nation did not exist. Thus the new state was born in the anti-colonialist idea.
The bourgeoisie, who begins to occupy the cities, is the first educated. The son of schoolteachers, the son of railroad or the son of postal workers are the first groups to enjoy the French education and thus began, with this intellectual history, imagining nationalism. "If France had applied seamatus Consul Napoleon III, independence was given to the first World War and not WWII. These classes were nationalists but defended the gains that France had provided them. "The entire Algerian people dreamed of back to the national identity does not disappear in France" and "only allowed access to knowledge does not disappear," says Ms. Tamzali us.

Qu: Your father was assassinated by a young recruit of the FLN (Algerian National Liberation Front) when you were about 15 years. Is what you could tell us a little more?
"This murder has not been sponsored by the FLN but was the result of a personal vendetta." Wassyla recounts his meeting with the best friend of her late father, in tears, tells him his detention by the DST, the French secret service. "The FLN killed your friend Hafid" he told the officers. Do not believe them, they simply said "You'll spend the night with her killer." Finding himself in the same cell as a child barely sixteen, the father's friend asks him "Did you kill a man? "Yes" "What was his name? "I do not know," replied the frightened child. The teenager said he wanted him to go underground to fight and that he was ordered to kill a man in order to go. "Out of loyalty to a man 49 years old who was killed by a child of his country without knowing why," the author told us, as to the meaning she wanted to give his life. She asked why violence and she was treated as such time and today and found the answer in education that inculcates that "violence is necessary and justifiable." Unwilling to accept this argument, Tamzali, like Camus before it, believes that "violence is necessary but is never justifiable."

On the question of our future, we, students of today and tomorrow's citizens, "the revolutionary" offers us a "burst our bubble," which protects us from reality, apparently distant that we do not want to see. And we said there will always be " breadcrumbs "showing the way as Tom Thumb, not to get lost in the machinery of terrorism still fertile. To the question of hope and faith in a free Algeria, egalitarian and fraternal and not Algeria to 30 million martyrs, she will simply say "all rivers flow to the sea."

Interview by Chan ...

Simon Deweygallery.com

Movements Algerian nationalists

Organization of the FLN

The FLN Home any Algerian who recognize themselves in this movement, described by former resistance fighters more like a desire for independence as a true patriotic nationalist movement. The resistant which means it must pay the hire fee Patriotic (itchirâk). Initially, very few men engaged in the association, but in early 1958, the FLN has still about 40,000 men. The FLN had the ability to unite in it the vast majority of Algerian political parties (the centrists of the Ulema of MTLD umda through the Communists BCP), and these various rallies s'effectuèrent between 1955 and 1957 edited by Ramdane Abbans.
The same character who is playing at the congress SOUMMAM (August 1956) which took shape institutions: the CEC (Committee for Coordination and Execution) which was then renamed Executive 1958 GPRA (Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria) and CNRA (National Council of the Algerian Revolution), which was the legislative branch.

For some, the FLN was too [especially] an ideology, which was formed a large body unanimist and above the political parties that composed it. During the congress

the SOUMMAM, was established a settlement of the NLA, with hierarchies, degrees, decorations and oaths of fighters, some taken on the French military system of the time.

The FLN has become the symbol of Algerian nationalism during the war Algeria especially popular with his speech and taking advantage (in terms of its influence and power) over rivals Messale NAM.

However, for the FLN resistance, there were several at once within the FLN FLN (based on different ideals that could contain) but also several FLN through different types of action that could make the Front (FLN maquis of the NLA, the FLN policy SOUMMAM, the FLN Police Colonel Lotfi, the FLN "Stalinist" brutal and Boussoufa BOUMEDIENNE).

Source: from an interview with Gilbert MEYNIER 10 April 2005

Algerian Insurrection and Nationalism in the War of Algeria


The Struggle for Equality Photography has long been engaged by intellectuals, and especially by the movement of clerics.
Use Combat is initiated by the "National Liberation Front (FLN), a nationalist organization based in Algeria and outside Algeria.
The FLN begins its shares in 1954, only two years before that Tunisia and Morocco get their full independence by negotiation
(Tunisia and Morocco were not colonies but protectorates).
Some French politicians of the extreme left, the "carrying bag", supported this movement (sending weapons and money).

In 1954, the armed struggle for independence of Algeria by the FLN is reflected in actions against the people calendar of European origin as well as a guerrilla, maquis and clashes with the French army, which also includes units Muslim auxiliaries known as "Harkis" (cf. Harkis during the war in Algeria).

Minority initially uses the FLN terror (threat of death for "traitors") to control the Muslim civilians, who are thus early been targeted in attacks or massacres like El Halia, in August 1955 and to generate among European repression necessary to eliminate permanently the two communities. Omar Carlier
historian notes that " from 1955 to 1958, thousands of men have fallen, and many more were wounded in France and Algeria, the confrontation between the Algerian National Movement (NAM) and the FLN, while others died in the fighting between the Algerian Communist Party (BCP) and the FLN. .

Retaliation army are extremely hard: it has been noticed and almost systematic use of torture to intelligence operations and counter-terrorism (prevention of attacks), particularly during the Battle of Algiers (1957 ).


The call to the Algerian people
November 1, 1954, General Secretariat of the National Liberation Front radio broadcast a call for "the Algerian people" and writing in order to "shed light on the underlying reasons that [the] pushed them to act [...] setting [the] program [FLN] the sense of [his] action, the merits of [his] views that the goal remains the national independence in North Africa. .
He described his action as "directed exclusively against colonialism, single blind enemy, who has always refused to grant any freedom by means of peaceful struggle. . The FLN
therefore requires that "the French authorities [...] Recognize once and for all the peoples they subjugated the right to self-determination "without which he announced" the continuation of the struggle by all means to achieve [its] purpose [... ] restoration of the Algerian sovereign, democratic and social development in the framework of Islamic principles. "The different

Algerian nationalists:

The FLN (National Liberation Front) was created 10 November 1954 and was intended to conquer the sovereign independence of the Algerian people in their own right. The main leaders of this group were Larbi Ben M'Hidi or Ahmed Ben Bella. This organization
resistance from the nationalist movement is "Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties" (BACT).
There are however three different currents of nationalism and especially the Algerian resistance: _The
Ulema (which is based on the Koran and Islam). _The
Modernists who are intellectuals and professional people who claim legal channels to express their desire for independence. _The
revolutionary (as Ben Bella, ...) who called the actions of violence and bombings to show their desire for independence.
_It was also at the beginning of the Algerian resistance, the group of "advanced" or "Young Algerians, who believed in the assimilation of Algerians in the French society with even a simple deletion of the status of Muslims by the French authority.

The movement of the FLN (the armed wing is called National Liberation Army), was particularly revolutionary current.
The Revolutionary Committee for Unity and Action (CRUA) is another group of independent Algeria.

Source: wikipedia.com

Work directed by Geoffrey and Rémi

Can I Use Efudix On My Face?

May 8, 1945: end of a war,
beginning of another?

Surrender of Germany and the end of World War II, it is surely the first thing that comes to mind for most people, mainly Europeans of course. As regards the Algerians, they hold above all the massacres of Setif, Guelma and Kherrata in Constantine. While a war just ended, another looks likely this May 8, 1945: the independence of Algeria.

View of Setif during the colonial era
I / A ruthless repression

A / Background and origins of drama

The prestige of the France as a colonial power has been weakened with the defeat of 1940, then during the Allied landings in November 1942, when the United States released en masse the Atlantic Charter, a document that condemns colonialism. The hostility of the Americans vis-à-vis the French colonial presence has strengthened the nationalist claims that are then represented by Messali Hajj, the head of the main nationalist movement Algeria (Algerian People's Party, PPP) and Ferhat Abbas, leader of Friends of the Manifesto and Liberty (AML). The latter defends an independent Algeria more or less associated with France.

On March 7, 1944, the Provisional Government in Algiers issue an order granting citizenship French Muslims to 60 000 but the separatist PPP and AML consider this gesture very inadequate and tardy. They hope so much from the first meeting of the United Nations in San Francisco, April 29, 1945.

But Messali Hajj was arrested in April 1945 and deported 23 in Brazzaville (capital of the Republic of Congo), shortly after being appointed as the leader of the Algerian people in the Congress MLAs. This provocative French authorities met with dismay among the Muslims that multiply nationalist demonstrations in favor his release.
On 1 May in Algiers, a manifestation of the Underground PPP is organized. For the first time the flag of independence, the standard green and white hit the star and crescent, is flown in public. Several deaths have been reported.
May 8, Armistice Day, the same scenario repeats itself. But this time is more brutal repression.

B / May 8

The May 8, 1945, in Setif, the Algerian nationalists PPA (Algerian People's Party, banned) Messali of Hajj (in residence supervised) and AML (Friends of the Manifesto and Liberty) Ferhat Abbas organize a parade to celebrate the fall of Nazi Germany and claim the right to liberty.
Do not forget that this victory over the Third Reich and fascism have contributed to the Allied side-Soviets, Americans and English for the most part - many "indigenous" black from Africa and Maghreb, enlisted in the regular French army. Colonized, these fighters hoped their nations would also benefit from this hard-won freedom out of colonial status and become citizens of their own homeland.
the day of the capitulation of the Third Reich, ceremonies are planned in Algeria as elsewhere in France. Activists to receive instructions not to carry weapons, and to show the Algerian flag. The flags are allies in the lead. During the parade, carrying banners with slogans such as "Free Messali", "Long live Algeria free and independent," "Down with fascism and colonialism" are deployed.
But in Constantine, the drama.
A Setif, the procession visiting the memorial is experiencing a terrible melee.
Everything went wrong when a young scout named Saal Bouzid refuses to lower the Algerian flag he carries, he is shot by a policeman. This triggers a riot. The angry demonstrators turned against the French and in a few hours 28 deaths among Europeans, including the mayor who tried to intervene.
The movement spread rapidly. The same day, Guelma (sub-prefecture of the same farm that Constantine account for 14 409 3346 European Muslims), the peaceful demonstration organized by the nationalist militants, Algerian flags and allies in mind, is arrested by the sub-prefect Andre Achiary (a former policeman who end up in terrorist movements-cons) that blocks the procession going to the war memorial and requires be thrown Algerian flags waved together with the tricolor flag.
Suddenly, he pulls out his gun and fires into the air. Immediately the gendarmes and police officers followed suit. A Muslim is killed. This creates a panic. But unlike in Setif, there are no riots and no European was killed. Achiary orders the curfew is arming the militia and settlers. It lists the Muslims "to judge", ie to eliminate. His victims will number in the dozens. The goal is to remove any Arab can play an important political or economic.
All performances take place on order of the sub-prefect (repression is overseen by General Duval, commander of the division of Constantine) without further trial, the bodies are dissolved in quicklime. Algerians are thrown alive from a height of 300-400 meters in the gorge Kerrata. In addition, a Muslim officer (one of the few army French who do realize that a hundred) commits suicide "can not stand this show."

C / human toll of the massacre

The official law enforcement operations, as the French government is arbitrarily set to 1500, prompting disbelief.
What is incontestable is that these massacres were several thousand victims, probably not as much as 45,000 deplored Algerian officials in speeches, but probably between 15 and 20 000. The vagueness of this data also shows that these massacres have been violent and hateful. Efforts to remove their tracks now make it impossible for a human toll a little bit specific. In this bloody event, historians today see the prologue to what would be the war Algeria.

II / The recognition of the massacre


The relationship between the two countries has been lopsided since 1830 by the French conquest and colonization, and again gravely disturbed by the rebellions and repressions , first in May 1945 and from 1954 to 1962. However, independence Algeria's accepted by France in 1962 seemed to de-escalate, which had been realized until 1990.
But the progress of history has been increasingly disrupted, Algeria and France, by the resurgence of historical memory and its use in internal political struggles, from the sudden transformation of the Algerian political life.


A / From 1990 to today: the return of memory


memory of May 8, 1945, concerning the massacres of Setif and Guelma, has long been hidden in France when she was exalted by the Algerian nationalists.
In 1990 the foundation was established on 8 May 1945 by the former Minister Bashir Boumaza , native Kerrata north of Setif.

The foundation has set itself the objective of "reacting against forgetting and revive the memory, demonstrating that the Setif massacre was a crime against humanity and not a war crime as the French say," to "Moral obtain compensation. Thus, history has been mobilized in the service of memory and politics instead of being recognized as a specific goal.

President Bouteflika chose the first path, suggesting an act of repentance to France in his speech of June 15, 2000 at the French National Assembly: "Whether you go out [...] dungeons, the unsaid, the War of Algeria, by references to its name, or your educational institutions are trying to rectify, in textbooks, sometimes distorted image of some episodes of colonization is an important step in the work of truth that you have undertaken for the benefit of historical knowledge and the cause of gender equity men ".
Former President Jacques Chirac has long pretended not to have understood the request but the negotiation of a treaty of friendship between France and Algeria seems to have made a condition imperative on the Algerian side.
February 27, 2005, speech at Setif by Ambassador of France seemed to make a first concession to the French Algerian demand, less than a week after the passage of a law positive memorial in memory of French and French Muslims from Algeria. Besides a process of Franco-Algerian tending to the signing of a treaty of friendship was started, but has not yet been successful. Contrary to what was announced in 2005 was that of disappointment, and 2006 did not seem best part.

B / A treaty of friendship between France and Algeria?

Diplomatic history of Franco-Algerian relations and the future treaty is not easy to do, because of its confidentiality. We know, however, that the Franco-Algerian was first translated by the decision to the year 2003 the year of Algeria in France bring the two peoples before bringing the two states.
A little over a year after the visit of former President Jacques Chirac in 2003, it returned to visit his Algerian counterpart, President Bouteflika, to congratulate him on his victory, April 15, 2004.

Then events accelerated. Indeed, Mr. Chirac announced the signing of a treaty of Franco-Algerian inspired by the Franco-German treaty the following year. On the other hand he wanted to end the "war" between France and Algeria by the French law giving satisfaction to the main material and moral claims of all returnees.

the Algerian side, President Bouteflika met his French counterpart in terms of carefully chosen: "This sacrifice was not in vain as it led ultimately to the end of the era of colonialism and permissions all those countries that had contributed troops to participate in these battles and releases that have crowned, in turn access to independence and finally find freedom. "
Under the "outlook born of historic journey made by the President of the Republic in Algeria ", the Raffarin government had filed March 10, 2004 a bill" for the recognition of the Nation and a national contribution for the French repatriated. "This project is devoted only one article memorial to their demands and the five following items to additional compensation.

But this does not last long. In fact, after much criticism in the French and Algerian government, a new version, December 16, 2004 , was passed by the Senate. Finally, February 10, 2005, the National Assembly adopted without modification the text as amended by the Senate, which became the Act of February 23, 2005.

C / The contradiction between the policies of France memorial

The law of February 23, 2005 immediately provoked a challenge from lawyer Thierry

and Bars the historian Claude Liauzu. They and other historians denounced Article 4, which corresponded to university research programs in school curricula [...], [...]. Then drew the inference that it called into question the neutrality and respect for academic freedom thought that is at the heart of secularism. Since this article was repealed.
But Algerians reacted. Indeed, on May 8, President Bouteflika sharp rise in the tone of his speech to commemorate Setif: "The massacres of May 8, 1945 they were the rewards for having defended heroically Algerians in France [...] Who does remembers the shame furnaces installed by the occupier in the region [...] Guelma? These ovens were identical to the Nazi crematoria. This is the first time since independence that the Algerian state formally requests the French State recognize its colonial crimes and ask forgiveness for the suffering imposed on the Algerian people.

In late 2006, the draft treaty Franco-Algerian , presented by the French government in 2004 as natural, seems adjourned for an unforeseeable time. For those who knew the history of Algerian claim of repentance from France since 1990, this failure at least temporarily not surprising: what is surprising is the excessive optimism displayed by the French in 2004 and its apparent unawareness of the contradiction between the law of February 23, 2005 and claim Algerian President Bouteflika that was from May 8, 2005 the mandatory condition to the treaty.
This condition is acceptable? The signing of a treaty unilaterally Will there be much further than the bilateral agreements of Evian? It is for policy and French citizens to decide from a more serious and more lucid than the one they had or had not, so far on this important issue.

Work done by Justine Ghizlaine

Sources:
-Article The World:
Monday, May 9, 2005 - Historia No. 695, November 2004-Article
Liberation Saturday 7 and Sunday, May 8, 2005
- History No. 318, March 2007

Evidence-Aziz Bedaoud (for the second part)