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Algerian immigration in France

By its geographic location makes it a place of intersection of shops and people and its history as a former colonial power, France is a country of migration for many years. Precisely since the mid-nineteenth century France became a country of mass immigration. In 2007, following the election of the president, was founded the ministry of immigration and national identity, and today many questions persist about immigration. But what is an immigrant? in France, according to the definition of the High Council for Integration, a person born abroad and foreign entry in this capacity in France to settle in the French territory in a sustainable manner is an immigrant. Immigration therefore means the entrance into a country of strangers who come to stay and work there .... Algeria was long a French colony and only obtained its independence at the cost of a war. The term Franco-Algerian is often used to describe a French whose ancestors are originally from Algeria . And mostly from the twentieth century that many Algerian immigrants arrived in France. So we ask why and how has made the Algerian immigration in France?
We will thus present the different phases or periods, of Algerian immigration in France and the various reasons for this.

I) phases of Algerian immigration in France:
1) The first phase:
The first phase of Algerian immigration to France began in 1905, labor. Algerians working in oil mills and refineries of Marseille, as drivers or as stevedores on the vessels. Then hundreds of workers are employed in mines and factories of the North and Pas-de-Calais, industries Clermont-Ferrand and Paris. By 1912 it is called a true migratory movement from 4000 to 5000 Algerians.
In northern France is about 1500 Kabyle working in mines, for a regular wage and benefiting from the application of social legislation of the period for minors. They are generally well received by the working population. In the Paris region , they work in construction and public works, chemical industries, sugar refineries Say , the company highways, railways and metro . They settled in towns and congregate in certain neighborhoods such as Montmartre .
The migratory movement accelerates from 1913 by eliminating the travel permit was then required for Algerians and one account, 1914, about 13,000 Algerians France.

2) The First World War: When
WWI , France relies heavily on workers and soldiers of the colonial empire . They will then be nearly 80 000 workers and 175 000 soldiers coming from Algeria. Those who are not on the front are employed in sectors vital to the war effort, arms production, engineering, aerospace, transportation, mining, etc.. Worker participation in the colonial war effort, is recognized and they enjoy the sympathy of the French. At that time, parties Muslims in France are celebrated with some pomp and there has been many mixed marriages.

3) Immigration installed Algeria (1920-1939): After
war, France repatriates 250 000 workers and soldiers of the colonies. From 1920 , immigration resumed, France, victorious but ruined by war, is partly destroyed. She again called on workers in colonies. Between 1919 and 1931 , we are witnessing a mass migration. If the component remains high among the Kabyle Algerian immigrants, others, like the inhabitants Northwestern Oran gaining ground. It was also during this period we created the first anti-imperialist movements in the Algerian immigrant community.

4) World War II: When
after 1943 , de Gaulle moved to Algeria, the Empire again provides soldiers and money for continuing the fight . The North Africans form the bulk of the African army, whose officers come from their city. This army is engaged in Tunisia In Italy then at the Battle of France. But de Gaulle refuses the Algerians to elect a Constituent Assembly.

5) Migration of workers: After
1945 , migration resumed, the Algerians are employed in areas that allow the reconstruction of France and the economic recovery, such as mining and steel but also industry and the construction of new infrastructure. From 1947 , the Franco-Algerian become Muslims and began to organize politically both in France and Algeria.
However, according to Daniel Lefeuvre, Professor at the University of Paris 8 Saint-Denis, who is one of the leading specialists in French Algeria, it appears that the Algerian immigration in France in the 50s originated the population explosion and poverty. Indeed, in his beloved Algeria, published in 2005, he claims that immigration does not meet the manpower needs of the French economy during the years of reconstruction or post-war boom but to the terrible situation in which Muslim populations living at the time. Resources are insufficient to feed a population that is growing very fast. poverty is spreading and the Algerians are forced to go abroad to feed their families. The colonial administrators encouraged such emigration to ease social pressure. But the city is unwilling to accept these new workers, who have no professional training, do not meet business demand.
6) The War of Independence (1954-1962): The Government
Guy Mollet in 1956 , gets special powers of parliament, said the reservists and sends the quota in Algeria. In 1958 , the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (GPRA) is formed, the National Liberation Front (FLN) took control of emigration. He launched a war against the French people enemy. The FLN launched the war in France in order to preclude any democratic solution to the Algerian conflict. De Gaulle seeks the dismantling of the FLN and its terrorist networks. Finally he negotiates with the only GPRA, the Evian agreements that put an end to the war in Algeria and endorse the free movement between Algeria France and the nationals of both countries.
Almost all Europeans and thousands of French-Muslims leave Algeria and took refuge in France. The colonial empire is shrinking, France turned to the Common Market and industrialization, which requires still more arms, while emigration is the only resource. Algerian immigration explodes as and when sites open in France.
In 1962, the Evian agreements provide that the "Algerian nationals residing in France have the same rights as French nationals, except political rights. " The French authorities thought that this would facilitate the return home of Algerian workers after independence. Or, conversely, it caused a movement of migratory workers to France.
The status of Algerian nationals is now governed by an international agreement between France and Algeria signed December 27, 1968 and amended several times thereafter. The scheme, initially very privileged compared to others which are subject nationalities, has gradually moved closer to the general scheme. It is called the "certificate of residence "
· the certificate of residence of one year is issued to students, trainees or employees in fixed term contract.
· the certificate of residence of ten years for other workers, who must provide proof of lawful residence in France for at least three years of stable employment and adequate resources and stable. This certificate may also apply to other categories of persons, for example in the context of family reunification.

Today, some French of Algerian origin back in this country to create companies which helps to develop.




II) The reasons of Algerian immigration in France:

The wave of immigration in France was originally a predominantly European phenomenon. Until the thirties, Italian, Belgian and Polish were the majority of staffing of foreign labor. Then came the English, Portuguese and nationals of countries of Central Europe. In this set, the Algerians were in the minority.
Compared to the immigration of European origin, immigration Algeria has been delayed. One reason was that, until the war of 14-18, the Algerians were not allowed to move freely. These restrictions on freedom of movement, already in force in the Algerian territory, were the more stringent when it came to the "natives" coming to France in search of work. All travel was subject to the issuance by the colonial authorities of a "travel permit", a sort of ausweiss before the letter, and not always easy to obtain. This particular strain has delayed the migration movement Algeria. But as soon as the need for labor is felt, the administration releases the floodgates. Thus, in 1911, 5,000 Algerians had been granted special permission to come to work in mines in the North.
The obligation to permit travel was abolished by decree 15 July 1914, a month before the outbreak of war. The prospect of conflict, and its corollary that the general mobilization was an early glimpse into perspective that the workforce was running short. It was therefore necessary to urgently address the risk of economic collapse. Hence the relaxation procedures to facilitate the installation of Algerians in the French territory. Better still, the French were not afraid to take a decree in 1917 to requisition 17 500 Algerians as laborers. But this text has never been applied, recruitment volunteers with enough to meet the manpower needs of the economy of France
Algerians were discriminated against, often, they could not access that 'jobs in the hardest and least valued. Isolated from the French population, they suffered from racism. Their employers imposed a specific discipline. Under such conditions of existence, very few people permanently settled. A study in 1930 established that half of all Algerians remained in France for 10 months, others remained a year and a half, while only 25% were fixed permanently or only returned to Algeria until several years later.
The Administration's attitude towards immigration French Algerian was ambivalent. On one side there was the need for labor caused by the human losses and material destruction of the First World War. From this point of view, the necessity of commanding support the arrival in France of Algerian workers.
But on the other hand there were political considerations inherent in colonialism. In Algeria, the "natives" were considered "subjects" French, in contrast to other population groups (Europeans and Jews), they did not enjoy the status of "citizens". As a result, they were subject to specific rules whose application in France was problematic.
Given this inconsistency, the Board adopted policy to take a step forward, one step back. In 1914 came a decree repealing the requirement for Algerians to obtain a travel permit to make the slightest movement. In 1924, the Interior Minister has undertaken to reduce the migratory movement. Before boarding, the Algerians were required to produce a certificate of appointment, a medical certificate and identity card. In the colonial context, each of these documents was also difficult to obtain a visa today. Moreover, the recruitment of "indigenous" was subjected to a procedure done purpose to discourage employers. In addition, the Algerians were not allowed to come to France in their families, except on particularly draconian.
In June 1926, this regulation was repealed by the State Council which declared contrary to the freedom of individual "native".
Two months later, August 4, 1926 a decree (which was amended April 4, 1928) has replaced the circular. The retoilettage was perfunctory. The conditions for Algerian immigrants were even more draconian. Besides the above obligations, the applicant for Immigration is required before coming to France to deposit as security a sum of money he will recover at home.
Despite these constraints, the Algerian immigration has continued. She has endured and strengthened, and later expanded massively and permanently after the Second World War


Finally, Algerian immigrants, also called arrived in France for various reasons, mainly for work, in Mine for example, during WW1. Then this immigration took place over several periods in particular following the first and the second World War but also in the aftermath of the Revolutionary War. Algerian immigration is thus an important part of all the nations represented on French territory.

Work done by Clement, Clement and Florian

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Henri Alleg - Question

Henri Alleg

He was born in London in 1921. It was a Franco-Algerian journalist. He was a member of the PCF (French Communist Party) and Director of Algiers Republican.

In 1940, he settled in Algeria and was active in the Algerian Communist Party.

In 1951 he became director of the Algerian daily Republican.

He went underground in 1955, banning the newspaper. However, he continues to file stories in France, some of which will be published by Humanity.

He was arrested June 12, 1957 by paratroopers of the 10th at the home of Maurice DP AUDIN his friend, who was arrested yesterday and will be tortured to death. Henri Alleg was kidnapped a month in El-Biar, where he was tortured and suffered an interrogation after an injection of pentothal (truth serum). He was then transferred to Lodi camp where he stayed a month. Barbarossa then, the civil prison in Algiers. That's The Question wrote it, hiding the pages written by transmitting them to his lawyers . Three years after his arrest, Henri Alleg was charged with "threatening the external security of the State" and "recovery line dissolved "and sentenced to 10 years in prison. He was transferred to France and imprisoned in Rennes. Enjoying a stay in hospital, he will take the opportunity to escape.
Aided by communist militants he will join Czechoslovakia.

He returned to France after the Evian agreements, then to Algeria where he participated in the rebirth of Algiers Republican newspaper. Became "Persona Non Grata" in Algeria, he moved back to France in 1965 .

In 2005, Henri Alleg co-signed a letter to the President of the Republic, asking the French government to recognize abandonment harkis in 1962.
He is currently a member of the honorary president of the Center communist revival in France.

HIS WORK, THE QUESTION

In Question , he told his period of detention and abuse there undergoes during the war of Algeria. First published in France by Editions de Minuit, the book was immediately banned. Nils Andersson the reissued in Switzerland, fourteen days after the ban in France in March 1958. Despite its ban in France, this book helped greatly to reveal the phenomenon of torture in Algeria. Some excerpts from the book:

[...] Then he said, it's not enough for you? It does not let you go. · Knees! "From his huge bats, I slapped at random. I fell to my knees, but I could not keep me right. I oscillate sometimes left, sometimes right: the blows of Erulin restored the balance when they not only threw me against the floor: "So, you mean? You're fucked, you understand. You're a dead man on leave! [...]

[...] Lorca tied me on the board: a new electric torture session began. "This time is the big gegene," he said. In the hands of my torturers, I saw a larger unit, and suffering even I felt a difference in quality. Instead of sharp and quick bites that seemed to tear my body was now a greater pain that sank deep into my muscles and all the twisted further. I clenched my links, I clenched my jaws on gag and kept my eyes closed. They stopped, but I continued to tremble nervously. [...]

[...] I was pushed into the kitchen and there they made me lie down on the garden and sink. Lorca around my ankles with a damp cloth and then tied tightly with a rope. All together, then they lifted me to hang, upside down, the iron rod of the hood above the sink. Only my fingers touched the ground. They amused me for a while to swing from one to another, like a sandbag. I saw that Lorca slowly lit a torch of paper up to my eyes. He got up and suddenly I felt the flame on sex and legs, whose hair caught fire in sizzling. I sat a jerk so violent that I stumbled Lorca. He began once, twice, and then began to burn me the tip of one breast. [...]
This book is very moving and representative of torture in Algeria as it is cruel, Henri Alleg describes simply but intensely, by denouncing it.

(...)

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The Harkis

First, who are they?

Before the war Algeria, there were already more than a term for those whom the French found in 830: Indigenous, Aboriginal, Arabs, Berbers, ...
Then we had recourse to the adjective "Muslim" with a capital M to differentiate it from the adjective "Muslim" designating him the practitioners of Islam. There was thus French Muslims, we continued to call "Muslim" even when they were converted to Catholicism, the Algiers court having settled the debate by this formula without appeal: "The Muslim is a Muslim even if no longer Mohammedan! "
Later, French Algerian soil becoming administratively, he had to find a legal description: it was entitled to French-born North African (ANSF) as opposed to native French European (ESF).

During 8 years harkis fought alongside the French. For some their situation was difficult because they were separated between Algeria and France and submitted to pressure.

During the war in Algeria, they were more than 180 000, considered traitors to their country of origin.

For Harkis who took refuge in France after the ceasefire of 19 March 1962, it was something they did not fail, what are the appellations of origin, uncontrolled! Harkis, auxiliaries, French of Muslim faith, Repatriated from North African, French Muslim returnees (FMR). Irony of the language, FMR will last ...
But today, the term harkis comeback, claimed by the children. There is talk of a second generation of Harkis as if it was a hereditary trait, reflecting a real discomfort. Because we are not born Harki. We grew between 1954 and 1962!
Harkis brings together today not only supplementary but all who had to leave Algeria because of their behavior deemed pro french by the FLN.

supplementary Why?

Interest in France the use of residual forces "indigenous" was multiple:

1 / first advantage of the perfect knowledge of the field by the auxiliaries in their areas. Combatants, "mujahedin" or "fellaghas" few, without heavy equipment or bases secure escape (except in Tunisia and Morocco) acted mainly by ambushes and by rapid acts of terrorism. Their assets were mobility, knowledge of the field, using spontaneous or under compulsion of the population. The harkis, including those forming part of the commandos hunting, proved valuable to find caches and insurgents scattered and hidden in nature. Farmers and hunters, their region had few secrets from them. Furthermore, among the harkis, 3000 were former prisoners of the ALN and "returned" or fled denial of atrocities they have seen practicing against civilians. These guys were familiar with the habits and ways of acting "fellaghas" and were thus able to contribute effectively to counteract their action. They were excellent soldiers.

2 / Then cut the "fellagas" of the population. In any subversive war, and that was one of Algeria, the population is really at stake. By conviction or by violence, it must take a stand, choose a side. To the FLN, the popular support it needed to legitimize its actions but it is also vital for the physical survival of its combat troops. They in fact do not benefit from the logistics of a state army. Few and appear only fleetingly and exceptionally the day, fighters need to ALN, usually at night, help villagers to organize sabotage (destruction of bridges, electricity poles, orchards, etc ...) and also to be fed and cared for. To deprive the FLN of this support, the French army had recourse to two strategies: - first "empty" areas of its people, moving people to assembly centers, and destroying villages. The principle was simple and summed up by the military, "the guerrillas are among the population like fish in water, emptied the water ..." The implementation of the principle was less simple because it was not possible to empty all the campaigns and the forced uprooting were often not experienced by the villagers. Furthermore, when the FLN infiltrate these groups, the work of propaganda was easy. - Secondly, to prevent those "mounted maquis access to villages by organizing village self-defense (GAD).

3 / questioned the representativeness of the FLN. The commitment of Muslims against the guidelines of the FLN, the multiplication of residual training and the positions of the Anglicized elite, was to show that part of the population was with France, thereby refuting the claim of the FLN to be the sole representative of all "Muslims" in Algeria.

4 / Limit the number of conscripts in Algeria. We know that part of French opinion was not in favor of sending the contingent to Algeria. Actions called especially in stations and ports, initiated or supported by the Communist Party, the CGT or the extreme left, had attracted media attention. But this kind of war against terrorism requires more men and planes or tanks, because of the obligation to crisscross the country to find information and track down the rebels hidden in nature or among civilians. Protect villages, buildings and public places against terrorism also required a lot of people. Under these conditions, the use of surrogates, in addition to the advantages mentioned above, helped to limit the number of conscripts in Algeria.

Why fight for France?

long time commitment Harkis was seen only with glasses ideological Patriots French for some, accomplices of colonialism for others, passion prevails over reason. We rewrote the story, embellishing it at times, but the caricature often blackening still. It is true that the silence of concerned themselves made the explanation more difficult.
It shows the commitment of Arab-Berber elite Anglicized differs from those of the auxiliaries. But even within the category of residual (Harker, moghaznis) commitments are diverse, complex, marked by the sociology of Algeria and the French presence secular. The reasons why these men chose France rather than their own country, are killing their families by Algerians, hoping to live in peace in France, to protect their village or patriotism, Algeria was French.

After the war

In their commitment to France, the Harkis felt betrayed when De Gaulle granted independence to Algeria in his famous speech in which he said: "Algerian Algeria. "March 18, 1962 by the agreements of Evian. Moreover, despite their valuable assistance, when the French left the country, they were left behind, helpless and lost in the midst of them Algerians who hated each other without limit. This gave rise to numerous arrests (when they were supposed to be protected by the Evian) and especially numerous massacres (60 000 run). If they wanted to be repatriated to France, they were able to complete records request for repatriation but most were illiterate. Seeing that the situation deteriorated to their old men, some officers who were punished for it by the Minister of Justice, repatriated.
So for those soldiers abandoned the prevailing uncertainty, confusion and particularly the fear of settling.

Finally, in 1962, 40,000 harkis and their families will arrive officially in France and 45 000 others who illegally left everything in Algeria.
Later 1,000,000 Harkis arrive in Marseille, they are too numerous to be accommodated, they are shut because of a painful past and finally speaks French badly so poorly integrated except in a few municipalities in the South of France support them.
Thus, the current government created transit camps where they are housed, not where the output is set up a military regime. They were then forgotten for 13 years ...
In 1976, the truth comes out about his camps, therefore, will be closed. In his years, unemployment and the crisis raging and harkis and their families have thus a difficulty finding a job.

Despite the behavior of France, they continue to love this country home as they were driven to where they came from. They consider themselves French to forget their roots and language.
Today in Algeria, there is still reluctance vis-à-vis Harkis as evidenced by the statements of President Bouteflika during his visit to France in 2000: "[...] It's like asking a French resistance to reach out to a collaborator [ ...] "

Work done by Aurelie, Emilie, Loïc and Delphin

Sources: Documentary film by Jean-Charles Deniau from 2003

Benjamin STORA, The War of Algeria edition Discovery
http://www.harkis.com/

various other websites ...

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Meet historian Claire Mauss-Chips

We received today the historian Claire Mauss-chips. Before the opening (partial and temporary ...) military archives in 1992, she has collected, from the late 1980s, evidence of conscripts from the Vosges. She has presented some photos taken by conscripts to show us how they wear it in the shadow of war. The opportunity to reflect on the image and the sources used in history.

Meet historian Claire Mauss-Chips
sent Augris

To build on this day, here are the links and books mentioned by Claire Mauss-Chips:

• These two books on conscripts. The first from the testimony and the second in which she studies most of the photographs seen today.
• Sections referenced in the insurrection of Constantine the August 20, 1955 and violence at the heart briefs on the website of the League of Human Rights of Toulon.
• The three fundamental works mentioned by Claire Mauss-chips to understand the War in Algeria: "Daniel Zimmermann News forbidden zone, Babel, 1996 René-
  Ehni, Algeria novel, Denoël, 2002
  Antoine Prost, Notebooks Algeria, Tallandier, 2005, and above all: Arlette Farge, Places for the history , Seuil, 1997.
  
  
  

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Battle Algiers


The war in Algeria took place from 1954 to 1962 and leads to the independence of Algeria, former French colony. This war takes the form of a guerrilla. between the French army (paratroopers, legionnaires, Mobile Guards, CRS, harkis) to troops of the separatist National Liberation Army (NLA), the armed wing of the National Liberation Front (FLN). She also takes the guise of a civil war with the multiple bombings, assassinations .. On January 7, 1957, 8000 men of the Tenth Division paratrooper enter Algiers with the mission to pacify the city. They are commanded by General Jacques Massu, who are given full powers by Robert Lacoste. Upon arrival of the paratroopers, the FLN will respond with a wave of attacks.


From January 7, 1957, paratroopers hunt down terrorists throughout the city and resort to torture to talk to people suspected of having hidden bombs. The troops patrolled the city and searched at the entrance of public places, the Casbah of Algiers is surrounded by barbed wire, all those entering or leaving it are searched.
FLN leaders are finding that the guerrillas in the countryside does not interest the media much and public opinion, and decided to intensify especially in Algiers, the Algerian question is however debated at the UN.
The replica with the entry of the army in the city, causes indiscriminate attacks against Europeans, causing dozens of casualties. In early February, explosions at the municipal stadium in Algiers and at the stage of El-Biar are 10 dead and 34 wounded. In June, the attack on the Corniche casino kills eight people and injured a hundred. After this attack, Colonel Yves Godard replaces Colonel Marcel Bigeard. He now favors the infiltration of networks rather than torture. It and September 24, 1957, its paratroopers get their hands on Yacef Saadi, principal organizer of the attacks in Algiers. His confession can dismantle the networks.
On 26 January, bombs exploded in three cafes in the city, killing five people dead and 34 wounded. The FLN then launches a watchword for a general strike for January 28. The soldiers break the strike by forcing shops to reopen. The operation was a failure of the FLN. Massu men carry out mass arrests to root out militants of the FLN, which are about 5000. Massu quadrille the city with his troops. Neighborhoods "Arab" is curly. The paratroopers using files police challenge suspects by the hundreds before them together in a sorting center.

A French soldier uses a mine detector loops in Algiers on 16 January 1957.

The press publishes stories denouncing the routine methods: torture (electric shocks, hanging by members, tub ,...), summary executions of suspects, hasty decisions by military courts, shopping clandestine detention etc.. A Commission of Inquiry makes a damning report July 21, 1957. The daily Le Monde publishes, which earned him to be seized.
Politicians and the majority of citizens are well informed about what is happening in Algeria. But they prefer to remain silent before the excesses of the military. It is true that many bombs are discovered in time using information gathered through torture. The opinion on the issue divides French

The Battle of Algiers was won on the ground by the French army, practicing methods prohibited by the laws of war, and beyond the project "pacification" led by France. Nine months after obtaining full power, General Massu won the Battle of Algiers ", but at a price of 30 000 French victims, 250,000 Algerian whose 3024 disappearance of suspects and a majority of civilians.

Work done by Thomas and Vincent

Sources:

-Axis Encyclopedia

-Book Benjamin STORA, Hisoitre the war Algeria

- Website: http://babelouedstory.com/ecoutes/bataille_alger/bataille_alger.html

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Meet Wassila Tamzali

Wassyla Tamzali, author of the novel " An Algerian Education" published by Gallimard in September 2007, is the guest of Mrs. Carrier Professor of History, and pupils of 1S2 and 1S4. The author, after a famous family of Algerian notables who held an important place in the Liberation War, was born into a large farmhouse colonial candle. His youth has not left only memories of happiness, but a tragedy changes everything: in 1957, his father was assassinated by a young recruit of the FLN. Despite this loss, which will cause the departure of the family in Algiers and the nationalization of homesteads by the socialism of the 70s, the young woman filled with enthusiasm for the construction of "Algeria for a year, she married all utopias, before sinking to disillusioned over the pages.
Wassyla Tamzali, was a lawyer in Algiers for ten years. Beginning in 1980, and for twenty years she has directed the program on women's status by Unesco, France. Brown returned to Algiers, she continues to lead many battles for equality women, secularism, democracy or the Mediterranean Dialogue.

Qu: Can we call you a "feminist"?

Ms. Tamzali answered that "certainly but specifies that the adjective has made perfect sense for it only after the revolutions of 1968 in France that have affected the academic Algeria which she belonged.
Thus it explains the need, on the eve of Independence, to establish a global revolution, that is to say a revolution which affect all layers of society, not a "sectarian strife" that would divide the Algerian nation when all of this was essential. This global revolution, which aimed to achieve a greater equality between men and women, is the first disappointment of the author and revolutionary women, who, after participating physically and energetically to the revolution Algerian people, saw their memory scorned in the new State Constitution. Ms. Tamzali likewise emphasizes the "need Liberties without which "the joy of living in a nation no longer exists." Thus it raises the issue of women, but also the paradox of "superiority" of "men who are victims even if they have."
The author notes also the Algerian crisis due to the patriarchal system in which citizens are victims but also the universality of this problem worldwide. In France or Europe discrimination against women exists but "good laws protecting women," unlike the Arab-Muslim countries. She further notes, it means as the "pyramid structure of social hierarchies, where there are fewer and fewer women, the higher up the hierarchy. This pyramid system is reflected not only in economics but also in the arts in general. We return once more to the book, explaining the lack of rights for women, said a general lack of rights of citizens.
The author revisits the past and described his generation: the "independence generation" a generation driven by a dream that projected into the future a fraternal, egalitarian and free. It focuses particularly on the "difference between liberation and freedom" that can not find meaning by turning over the leaves of a dictionary, but rather due to disillusionment. "The liberation of the Algerian people in 1962 did not result in his freedom," says Ms. Tamzali.
Qu: Do you could explain the place that takes your family in your book?

"I have decided to say" I "" Mrs. Wassila answer. Indeed, she insists on the difficulty to say "I" in an Algerian family in which "honor requires the collective before the individual". A problem which, as discrimination against women is universal. Indeed, according to her family "is the first constraint. A moral constraint but also physical coercion, where sexual fulfillment is the first barrier, especially in nations still rooted in ancient cultural traditions. "If there is no" I "there is no freedom," says the author, who emphasizes the difficulty but the need to follow his own path.
Qu: You are from a rich family of notables, but you were not naturalized and you fight in the Algerian independence movement, why this choice?

Tamzali ensures that the Idea of Independence of Algeria was at the time, a modern idea. Indeed, until France occupied Algeria, the Algerian nation did not exist. Thus the new state was born in the anti-colonialist idea.
The bourgeoisie, who begins to occupy the cities, is the first educated. The son of schoolteachers, the son of railroad or the son of postal workers are the first groups to enjoy the French education and thus began, with this intellectual history, imagining nationalism. "If France had applied seamatus Consul Napoleon III, independence was given to the first World War and not WWII. These classes were nationalists but defended the gains that France had provided them. "The entire Algerian people dreamed of back to the national identity does not disappear in France" and "only allowed access to knowledge does not disappear," says Ms. Tamzali us.

Qu: Your father was assassinated by a young recruit of the FLN (Algerian National Liberation Front) when you were about 15 years. Is what you could tell us a little more?
"This murder has not been sponsored by the FLN but was the result of a personal vendetta." Wassyla recounts his meeting with the best friend of her late father, in tears, tells him his detention by the DST, the French secret service. "The FLN killed your friend Hafid" he told the officers. Do not believe them, they simply said "You'll spend the night with her killer." Finding himself in the same cell as a child barely sixteen, the father's friend asks him "Did you kill a man? "Yes" "What was his name? "I do not know," replied the frightened child. The teenager said he wanted him to go underground to fight and that he was ordered to kill a man in order to go. "Out of loyalty to a man 49 years old who was killed by a child of his country without knowing why," the author told us, as to the meaning she wanted to give his life. She asked why violence and she was treated as such time and today and found the answer in education that inculcates that "violence is necessary and justifiable." Unwilling to accept this argument, Tamzali, like Camus before it, believes that "violence is necessary but is never justifiable."

On the question of our future, we, students of today and tomorrow's citizens, "the revolutionary" offers us a "burst our bubble," which protects us from reality, apparently distant that we do not want to see. And we said there will always be " breadcrumbs "showing the way as Tom Thumb, not to get lost in the machinery of terrorism still fertile. To the question of hope and faith in a free Algeria, egalitarian and fraternal and not Algeria to 30 million martyrs, she will simply say "all rivers flow to the sea."

Interview by Chan ...

Simon Deweygallery.com

Movements Algerian nationalists

Organization of the FLN

The FLN Home any Algerian who recognize themselves in this movement, described by former resistance fighters more like a desire for independence as a true patriotic nationalist movement. The resistant which means it must pay the hire fee Patriotic (itchirâk). Initially, very few men engaged in the association, but in early 1958, the FLN has still about 40,000 men. The FLN had the ability to unite in it the vast majority of Algerian political parties (the centrists of the Ulema of MTLD umda through the Communists BCP), and these various rallies s'effectuèrent between 1955 and 1957 edited by Ramdane Abbans.
The same character who is playing at the congress SOUMMAM (August 1956) which took shape institutions: the CEC (Committee for Coordination and Execution) which was then renamed Executive 1958 GPRA (Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria) and CNRA (National Council of the Algerian Revolution), which was the legislative branch.

For some, the FLN was too [especially] an ideology, which was formed a large body unanimist and above the political parties that composed it. During the congress

the SOUMMAM, was established a settlement of the NLA, with hierarchies, degrees, decorations and oaths of fighters, some taken on the French military system of the time.

The FLN has become the symbol of Algerian nationalism during the war Algeria especially popular with his speech and taking advantage (in terms of its influence and power) over rivals Messale NAM.

However, for the FLN resistance, there were several at once within the FLN FLN (based on different ideals that could contain) but also several FLN through different types of action that could make the Front (FLN maquis of the NLA, the FLN policy SOUMMAM, the FLN Police Colonel Lotfi, the FLN "Stalinist" brutal and Boussoufa BOUMEDIENNE).

Source: from an interview with Gilbert MEYNIER 10 April 2005

Algerian Insurrection and Nationalism in the War of Algeria


The Struggle for Equality Photography has long been engaged by intellectuals, and especially by the movement of clerics.
Use Combat is initiated by the "National Liberation Front (FLN), a nationalist organization based in Algeria and outside Algeria.
The FLN begins its shares in 1954, only two years before that Tunisia and Morocco get their full independence by negotiation
(Tunisia and Morocco were not colonies but protectorates).
Some French politicians of the extreme left, the "carrying bag", supported this movement (sending weapons and money).

In 1954, the armed struggle for independence of Algeria by the FLN is reflected in actions against the people calendar of European origin as well as a guerrilla, maquis and clashes with the French army, which also includes units Muslim auxiliaries known as "Harkis" (cf. Harkis during the war in Algeria).

Minority initially uses the FLN terror (threat of death for "traitors") to control the Muslim civilians, who are thus early been targeted in attacks or massacres like El Halia, in August 1955 and to generate among European repression necessary to eliminate permanently the two communities. Omar Carlier
historian notes that " from 1955 to 1958, thousands of men have fallen, and many more were wounded in France and Algeria, the confrontation between the Algerian National Movement (NAM) and the FLN, while others died in the fighting between the Algerian Communist Party (BCP) and the FLN. .

Retaliation army are extremely hard: it has been noticed and almost systematic use of torture to intelligence operations and counter-terrorism (prevention of attacks), particularly during the Battle of Algiers (1957 ).


The call to the Algerian people
November 1, 1954, General Secretariat of the National Liberation Front radio broadcast a call for "the Algerian people" and writing in order to "shed light on the underlying reasons that [the] pushed them to act [...] setting [the] program [FLN] the sense of [his] action, the merits of [his] views that the goal remains the national independence in North Africa. .
He described his action as "directed exclusively against colonialism, single blind enemy, who has always refused to grant any freedom by means of peaceful struggle. . The FLN
therefore requires that "the French authorities [...] Recognize once and for all the peoples they subjugated the right to self-determination "without which he announced" the continuation of the struggle by all means to achieve [its] purpose [... ] restoration of the Algerian sovereign, democratic and social development in the framework of Islamic principles. "The different

Algerian nationalists:

The FLN (National Liberation Front) was created 10 November 1954 and was intended to conquer the sovereign independence of the Algerian people in their own right. The main leaders of this group were Larbi Ben M'Hidi or Ahmed Ben Bella. This organization
resistance from the nationalist movement is "Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties" (BACT).
There are however three different currents of nationalism and especially the Algerian resistance: _The
Ulema (which is based on the Koran and Islam). _The
Modernists who are intellectuals and professional people who claim legal channels to express their desire for independence. _The
revolutionary (as Ben Bella, ...) who called the actions of violence and bombings to show their desire for independence.
_It was also at the beginning of the Algerian resistance, the group of "advanced" or "Young Algerians, who believed in the assimilation of Algerians in the French society with even a simple deletion of the status of Muslims by the French authority.

The movement of the FLN (the armed wing is called National Liberation Army), was particularly revolutionary current.
The Revolutionary Committee for Unity and Action (CRUA) is another group of independent Algeria.

Source: wikipedia.com

Work directed by Geoffrey and Rémi

Can I Use Efudix On My Face?

May 8, 1945: end of a war,
beginning of another?

Surrender of Germany and the end of World War II, it is surely the first thing that comes to mind for most people, mainly Europeans of course. As regards the Algerians, they hold above all the massacres of Setif, Guelma and Kherrata in Constantine. While a war just ended, another looks likely this May 8, 1945: the independence of Algeria.

View of Setif during the colonial era
I / A ruthless repression

A / Background and origins of drama

The prestige of the France as a colonial power has been weakened with the defeat of 1940, then during the Allied landings in November 1942, when the United States released en masse the Atlantic Charter, a document that condemns colonialism. The hostility of the Americans vis-à-vis the French colonial presence has strengthened the nationalist claims that are then represented by Messali Hajj, the head of the main nationalist movement Algeria (Algerian People's Party, PPP) and Ferhat Abbas, leader of Friends of the Manifesto and Liberty (AML). The latter defends an independent Algeria more or less associated with France.

On March 7, 1944, the Provisional Government in Algiers issue an order granting citizenship French Muslims to 60 000 but the separatist PPP and AML consider this gesture very inadequate and tardy. They hope so much from the first meeting of the United Nations in San Francisco, April 29, 1945.

But Messali Hajj was arrested in April 1945 and deported 23 in Brazzaville (capital of the Republic of Congo), shortly after being appointed as the leader of the Algerian people in the Congress MLAs. This provocative French authorities met with dismay among the Muslims that multiply nationalist demonstrations in favor his release.
On 1 May in Algiers, a manifestation of the Underground PPP is organized. For the first time the flag of independence, the standard green and white hit the star and crescent, is flown in public. Several deaths have been reported.
May 8, Armistice Day, the same scenario repeats itself. But this time is more brutal repression.

B / May 8

The May 8, 1945, in Setif, the Algerian nationalists PPA (Algerian People's Party, banned) Messali of Hajj (in residence supervised) and AML (Friends of the Manifesto and Liberty) Ferhat Abbas organize a parade to celebrate the fall of Nazi Germany and claim the right to liberty.
Do not forget that this victory over the Third Reich and fascism have contributed to the Allied side-Soviets, Americans and English for the most part - many "indigenous" black from Africa and Maghreb, enlisted in the regular French army. Colonized, these fighters hoped their nations would also benefit from this hard-won freedom out of colonial status and become citizens of their own homeland.
the day of the capitulation of the Third Reich, ceremonies are planned in Algeria as elsewhere in France. Activists to receive instructions not to carry weapons, and to show the Algerian flag. The flags are allies in the lead. During the parade, carrying banners with slogans such as "Free Messali", "Long live Algeria free and independent," "Down with fascism and colonialism" are deployed.
But in Constantine, the drama.
A Setif, the procession visiting the memorial is experiencing a terrible melee.
Everything went wrong when a young scout named Saal Bouzid refuses to lower the Algerian flag he carries, he is shot by a policeman. This triggers a riot. The angry demonstrators turned against the French and in a few hours 28 deaths among Europeans, including the mayor who tried to intervene.
The movement spread rapidly. The same day, Guelma (sub-prefecture of the same farm that Constantine account for 14 409 3346 European Muslims), the peaceful demonstration organized by the nationalist militants, Algerian flags and allies in mind, is arrested by the sub-prefect Andre Achiary (a former policeman who end up in terrorist movements-cons) that blocks the procession going to the war memorial and requires be thrown Algerian flags waved together with the tricolor flag.
Suddenly, he pulls out his gun and fires into the air. Immediately the gendarmes and police officers followed suit. A Muslim is killed. This creates a panic. But unlike in Setif, there are no riots and no European was killed. Achiary orders the curfew is arming the militia and settlers. It lists the Muslims "to judge", ie to eliminate. His victims will number in the dozens. The goal is to remove any Arab can play an important political or economic.
All performances take place on order of the sub-prefect (repression is overseen by General Duval, commander of the division of Constantine) without further trial, the bodies are dissolved in quicklime. Algerians are thrown alive from a height of 300-400 meters in the gorge Kerrata. In addition, a Muslim officer (one of the few army French who do realize that a hundred) commits suicide "can not stand this show."

C / human toll of the massacre

The official law enforcement operations, as the French government is arbitrarily set to 1500, prompting disbelief.
What is incontestable is that these massacres were several thousand victims, probably not as much as 45,000 deplored Algerian officials in speeches, but probably between 15 and 20 000. The vagueness of this data also shows that these massacres have been violent and hateful. Efforts to remove their tracks now make it impossible for a human toll a little bit specific. In this bloody event, historians today see the prologue to what would be the war Algeria.

II / The recognition of the massacre


The relationship between the two countries has been lopsided since 1830 by the French conquest and colonization, and again gravely disturbed by the rebellions and repressions , first in May 1945 and from 1954 to 1962. However, independence Algeria's accepted by France in 1962 seemed to de-escalate, which had been realized until 1990.
But the progress of history has been increasingly disrupted, Algeria and France, by the resurgence of historical memory and its use in internal political struggles, from the sudden transformation of the Algerian political life.


A / From 1990 to today: the return of memory


memory of May 8, 1945, concerning the massacres of Setif and Guelma, has long been hidden in France when she was exalted by the Algerian nationalists.
In 1990 the foundation was established on 8 May 1945 by the former Minister Bashir Boumaza , native Kerrata north of Setif.

The foundation has set itself the objective of "reacting against forgetting and revive the memory, demonstrating that the Setif massacre was a crime against humanity and not a war crime as the French say," to "Moral obtain compensation. Thus, history has been mobilized in the service of memory and politics instead of being recognized as a specific goal.

President Bouteflika chose the first path, suggesting an act of repentance to France in his speech of June 15, 2000 at the French National Assembly: "Whether you go out [...] dungeons, the unsaid, the War of Algeria, by references to its name, or your educational institutions are trying to rectify, in textbooks, sometimes distorted image of some episodes of colonization is an important step in the work of truth that you have undertaken for the benefit of historical knowledge and the cause of gender equity men ".
Former President Jacques Chirac has long pretended not to have understood the request but the negotiation of a treaty of friendship between France and Algeria seems to have made a condition imperative on the Algerian side.
February 27, 2005, speech at Setif by Ambassador of France seemed to make a first concession to the French Algerian demand, less than a week after the passage of a law positive memorial in memory of French and French Muslims from Algeria. Besides a process of Franco-Algerian tending to the signing of a treaty of friendship was started, but has not yet been successful. Contrary to what was announced in 2005 was that of disappointment, and 2006 did not seem best part.

B / A treaty of friendship between France and Algeria?

Diplomatic history of Franco-Algerian relations and the future treaty is not easy to do, because of its confidentiality. We know, however, that the Franco-Algerian was first translated by the decision to the year 2003 the year of Algeria in France bring the two peoples before bringing the two states.
A little over a year after the visit of former President Jacques Chirac in 2003, it returned to visit his Algerian counterpart, President Bouteflika, to congratulate him on his victory, April 15, 2004.

Then events accelerated. Indeed, Mr. Chirac announced the signing of a treaty of Franco-Algerian inspired by the Franco-German treaty the following year. On the other hand he wanted to end the "war" between France and Algeria by the French law giving satisfaction to the main material and moral claims of all returnees.

the Algerian side, President Bouteflika met his French counterpart in terms of carefully chosen: "This sacrifice was not in vain as it led ultimately to the end of the era of colonialism and permissions all those countries that had contributed troops to participate in these battles and releases that have crowned, in turn access to independence and finally find freedom. "
Under the "outlook born of historic journey made by the President of the Republic in Algeria ", the Raffarin government had filed March 10, 2004 a bill" for the recognition of the Nation and a national contribution for the French repatriated. "This project is devoted only one article memorial to their demands and the five following items to additional compensation.

But this does not last long. In fact, after much criticism in the French and Algerian government, a new version, December 16, 2004 , was passed by the Senate. Finally, February 10, 2005, the National Assembly adopted without modification the text as amended by the Senate, which became the Act of February 23, 2005.

C / The contradiction between the policies of France memorial

The law of February 23, 2005 immediately provoked a challenge from lawyer Thierry

and Bars the historian Claude Liauzu. They and other historians denounced Article 4, which corresponded to university research programs in school curricula [...], [...]. Then drew the inference that it called into question the neutrality and respect for academic freedom thought that is at the heart of secularism. Since this article was repealed.
But Algerians reacted. Indeed, on May 8, President Bouteflika sharp rise in the tone of his speech to commemorate Setif: "The massacres of May 8, 1945 they were the rewards for having defended heroically Algerians in France [...] Who does remembers the shame furnaces installed by the occupier in the region [...] Guelma? These ovens were identical to the Nazi crematoria. This is the first time since independence that the Algerian state formally requests the French State recognize its colonial crimes and ask forgiveness for the suffering imposed on the Algerian people.

In late 2006, the draft treaty Franco-Algerian , presented by the French government in 2004 as natural, seems adjourned for an unforeseeable time. For those who knew the history of Algerian claim of repentance from France since 1990, this failure at least temporarily not surprising: what is surprising is the excessive optimism displayed by the French in 2004 and its apparent unawareness of the contradiction between the law of February 23, 2005 and claim Algerian President Bouteflika that was from May 8, 2005 the mandatory condition to the treaty.
This condition is acceptable? The signing of a treaty unilaterally Will there be much further than the bilateral agreements of Evian? It is for policy and French citizens to decide from a more serious and more lucid than the one they had or had not, so far on this important issue.

Work done by Justine Ghizlaine

Sources:
-Article The World:
Monday, May 9, 2005 - Historia No. 695, November 2004-Article
Liberation Saturday 7 and Sunday, May 8, 2005
- History No. 318, March 2007

Evidence-Aziz Bedaoud (for the second part)